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In India, child runaways inhabiting urban space mobilize a complex set of naming strategies—both for themselves as individuals and for the category of person to which they see themselves belonging—as a component of strategies of evasion, dissimulation, and self-protection.

As any agent in public space threatens to temper their mobility and freedom, and potentially to make Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo location known to forces they wish to evade, these runaways may use dozens of names. The names are not used in unpatterned ways, but rather they are situationally-contingent. These structures of power may govern both identity Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo physical existence, and include structures of production and consumption, nation-state, culture, space, and class—and the various places these forms collude and converge.

For children unhitched from kin, who constitute in the public eye a kind of incomplete subject, and, in the administrative lens, a partial citizen, these disciplinary structures, far from fixed, allow for—or even invite—a great deal of play. The walls they mount are malleable. For Indian child runaways, those origins are, in general, to be negated or refashioned. The origins are the locus of various forms of power, various intimate tyrannies, which the children have identified as oppressive and unfree and thus from which they have elected usually to run.

Child runaways in North India engage names in exceptionally creative and complex ways to obscure former iterations of self. As an ethnographer, I usually had to convince the runaways with whom I worked that I had nothing to do with any of these organizations and that no particular information that would identify them would make it back to Prostitute in Jackson NGOs.

Moreover, in most cases, children Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo their own decisions to run away as a socially-accepted life option. Thus it is not critical poverty itself from which children flee, but rather the oblique impact of routinized and normalized disparities of wealth on homes and emotional lives.

As Conticini and Hulme observe of largely runaway street children in Bangladesh: Consider the following arrival narrative from an adolescent runaway from New Delhi Railway Station I will refer to as Naushad. Did you run away? How old were you? Five years old, in second grade when I was five. I came in anger. No not from Himachal. How did you know that you could take a train?

My house was as close to the station as this station is Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo Paharganj. I just thought of taking a train and going a little ways. It took me a day and a half to reach here. I got down from the train, I got out at the station, there was a water seller and he offered me some water and some chhola kulcha, and I started collecting bottles and studying a little bit with a very Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo didi.

I Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo some good studies and then that didi stopped coming. I kept collecting bottles and collecting bottles and then I started to feel ashamed about that act. I came because I was angry. I just came out with the idea that my parents Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo get worried, look for me and then I would eventually return. I thought that they would become frightened for me and stop beating me and love me.

I left home with this thought. Did you ever go back? No I never went back. Have you spoken to Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo else? I have a brother [ ek bhai hai mera ]. He lives in Delhi. My father is dead. My brother told me that my father was death. Were you sad about that? Of course I was sad. Other categories of street children, including those who live with their families, or those like orphans who are on the street due to circumstances beyond their control, do not necessarily defy such prescriptive visions of childhood.

Research covered some 20—25 distinct sites in New Delhi, in all cases repeatedly and in most frequently; and some 25—30 sites across India, in many cases repeatedly and in some frequently. Data collected in these sites incorporates interview material, spontaneous conversation, documentation of movement patterns, elicitation of life stories, demographic surveys, organizational archives, imperial archives, and much more.

Observation was also made of individual runaways over time to ensure the Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo integrity of the project, which fostered the development of a broad understanding of the historical antecedents of running away, in particular as regards landlessness, credit relations, and multiple forms of rural debt. Other major lines of inquiry developed over the course of the research included an exploration of the role of industrial-era railroads in the process of running away, of experiences of death and loss as a factor in departure, and of interaction with charitable and governmental institutions.

And so once there, they do not want to be tracked, do not want to be returned to their families, and they seek what they themselves term freedom. It is certainly not anonymity they are seeking, though that term is surely what society-at-large, and even scholarly observers would use—for indeed they seek, they embrace the having of a name, just not the one that is given them by the ossified forms that trapped them before, forms of patriarchal kinship and marriage, intimate force, discipline and labor.

It is, rather, the active engagement of what might be termed a counter- nymic or anti-nymic praxis, wherein names are the domain of active and defiant authoring. This is, indeed, a form of evasive mobility, I suppose, of Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo sort. However, the mobility or nomadology enacted by runaways is far more profoundly rooted in material conditions and the set of possible responses thereto escape, resistance, evasion than the sort of fluidity envisioned by Deleuze and Guattari.

And for this to be historicized, the very forces that motivate such a mandate must themselves be named: All these present various forceful mandates for hiding. They do what Anderson observed of the census, the map, Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo the museum—they enumerate. A child may vary its name by location, or by occupational situation, or by the age or other category of their conversational partner.

I describe this material evasion, in other words, because I believe it is part of a wider complex with—and has powerful counterparts in—the more intimate hidings of language and names that I describe. This legal and disciplinary conundrum is part of what requires resistance, or transforms just-living into resistance, and defiance of the sort that mounts a challenge to disciplinary spatialities.

But for the few subjects who have no proper place, being anywhere is legible as the contestation of a space. To accord them a place in the station would be to acknowledge the legality of child labor and of the failure of welfare, to point to the perceived failures of a nation, and Single hottie in Temuco highlight aesthetics that the city and the state, modern, corporate, Asian, and clean as they envision themselves, would rather not dignify with comment or deixis.

It must be added that the praxis of hiding must be balanced rather carefully with a measured and intentional visibility, to be deployed for example when begging. The group—all of whom had replacement names, often transecting and Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo communal boundaries—slept, ate, huffed, snuggled, and sorted in that location.

Roof living is a favorite way to avoid police and hostile passengers. That would be too intentional a characterization. Here is how he recounts it:. I was with my friends. I was excited to see Delhi, to know new things. Delhi is different from the countryside, you know. People in my village always talked about how great Delhi was. I did not come on my own. I had some friends, they had some railway tickets. They wanted to go for vacation, for eleven days.

I came with my friends, and then they abandoned me [on the train]. I had no idea what Delhi was, I was totally senseless [ i.

And I got off. I saw how different everything was, what my nation is like. On my first night I slept on the platform. In the morning I met some other kids. I saw some of them eating. You see, they noticed me because I was well-dressed when I first came. And I lived in the station two years. A jali is a lattice or screen, but it Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo represents seclusion, secrecy, status, and purdah in Indo-Islamic architecture and literature, and is thus of great symbolic importance in collective imaginaries of space; it represents a certain cultural read of the station.

Despite my safety concerns, it seemed to serve its role as a jali in the domestic and cultural sense, bestowing a degree of seclusion, separation, security, and privacy within its forbidding perimeters.

Perhaps over-reading his candor and comfort at the question I then later asked if he might repeat what he had said, to open it up for comment by the other boys, and for my research partner, Khushboo, to hear.

But he declined, not surprisingly, and would not elaborate. On the other hand, however, it allows others to hide their exploitive interactions with the children, to conceal what they do to them in the hiding places.

What then would be the salience for the politics of pseudonymity? But children are people of unique and varied perspective; if scholars insist that institutions and homes must take them seriously, so must they take seriously the idea of children as possessors of an unparalleled social vantage and an experience and interpretive toolkit like none other.

The historical Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo of these terms are captivating, given their referents and the contexts of their usage. In general, these terms, despite the more specific denotations suggested by their morphologies, are abstracted from situational type, so any of them might be used in equal measure for an orphan, a runaway, a street-working child with family nearby, or an abandoned child. Though mobilized by the children to describe themselves and others like them with relative frequency, it is also Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo most rarely used of the triad.

Given their heightened susceptibility to death, much might be made of the application to street children of a term which ties them, as animate skeletons, to living death.

Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo again points poignantly to something fundamental in the calculus of child vagabondage: Kinlessness is a Slots adult girlss in Campo Belo trope of runaway self-fashioning, and indeed it is a certain dialectic with kinship that renders the runaway socially and publicly legible as a certain category of person.

It is definitely negative and ranges in meaning from astonished to confused. I would use it thus: When his glasses broke, he became confused.

Or, the children became wanderersgoing from village to village when their parents died. Indeed, though the criticism might be made that the children appear to know or comment very little on such matters, they in fact do: It is not likely that the use of such terms to describe such children is new.

The lexicon reveals a certain rootedness in cultural paradigms for such children. It is unclear why this is the case, or how it came to be, but reading into the implications of these names proves at the very least a window into the construction of emergent understandings of shared self.


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